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BOOK
WATCH
National
Human Rights Institutions in the Asia Pacific Region
NHRI
gravy train: The Bangladesh line
During
the past seven years the Bangladeshi government has undertaken
a number of initiatives and studies to examine the optimal
functioning of NHRIs; however to date there is no Bangladesh
National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), and legislation
containing a mandate has been repeatedly stalled by the
Government. The project of establishing a Bangladesh NHRC
began in 1996, when the Ministry of Law, Justice and
Parliamentary Affairs and the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP)
created an "Action Research Study on the Institutional
Development of Human Rights in Bangladesh" (IDHRB). As
part of the project the IDHRB has set up a Participatory Rural
Appraisal programme, organised numerous seminars, conducted
international study tours to six different countries, and
conferred with the United Nations High Commissioner for Human
Rights. In April
1999 the Cabinet of the Government of the People's Republic of
Bangladesh approved a draft bill that resulted from the IDHRB
project. This
bill does not make the proposed NHRC effective or independent.
It was then announced in April 2002 that the bill,
having languished in bureaucratic limbo for three years, will
be set aside in favour of a proposed Protection of Human
Rights Act. The
establishment of an NHRC has become nothing more than a gravy
train for Dhaka officials who have proven to be effective only
in their ability to procure UN money.
India's
NHRC: Whither compliance?
The
National Human Rights Commission of India was created under
the Human Rights Protection Act, 1993, primarily as a result
of international and domestic political pressure. The current
deficiencies of the NHRC can be listed under nine broad
headings: (1) lack of implementation of past evaluations; (2)
lack of transparency; (3) contributing to a national culture
of impunity for the armed forces; (4) failure to ensure the
ratification and implementation of international human rights
instruments, as required by the NHRCs mandate; (5) obfuscation
and tardiness in processing complaints; (6) failure to
maximise the effectiveness of state human rights commissions;
(7) administrative inefficiencies and the lack of logistical
support; (8) failure to ensure the right to citizenship of the
Chakmas and Hajongs; and (9) a lack of Government response to
recommendations, and a corresponding lack of follow up on the
part of the Commission. After eight full years of operation,
the inherent weaknesses of the NHRC and its originating
legislation have become evident.
Komnas
HAM: Hope stillborn?
The
Indonesian Human Rights Commission, usually referred to by the
common appellation Komnas HAM, was created by Presidential
Decree No. 50 in 1993. At
the time of its inception, many critics voiced the opinion
that Komnas HAM had been founded as a means of deflecting
international political pressure regarding human rights abuses
in Indonesia. This
lack of commitment on the part of the Indonesian Government is
illustrated by Komnas HAM's weak mandate and subsequent
attempts to erode what little power has been gained by the
institution.
Komnas
HAM’s mandate, as laid out in Presidential Decree No. 50 and
augmented by the 1999 Human Rights Act, fails to meet the
Paris Principles' standards of independence, accountability
and transparency. In
practice, it has proved to be lacking in accessibility and in
use of investigative and extra-judicial powers.
It is unfortunate that an institution that once took a
strong stand on sensitive government issues is now crippled by
weak legislation and a hostile political climate.
The
Korean Commission: Future tasks
The
Korean National Human Rights Commission Act was promulgated on
24 May 2001 and the Commission was launched on 26 November of
the same year. Although
it is still early for a definitive evaluation of the
Commission's effectiveness, there are a few potentially
problematic areas worth noting.
First, the Act does not contain sufficient provisions
to guarantee the Commission's independence with respect to its
composition, operations, or budget. Second, the language of
the Act is, at times, ambiguous in describing whether the
Commission is to base its activities on international human
rights norms or domestic legislation.
Third, the limitations placed on the Commission's
authority of investigation and remedy will make it difficult
to process petitions in a manner that is consistent with high
public expectations. Due
to the fact that many of these problems are a result of
conditions that are beyond the control of the Commission, it
is hard to expect that the Commission will be able to solve
all of these problems within a short period of time.
Suhakam:
Yet to earn its spurs
The
Malaysian Human Rights Commission, known by the Malay name
Suruhanjaya Hak Asasi Manusia Malaysia (Suhakam), was
established August 1999.
While Suhakam has made some progress in promoting human
rights in Malaysia, it is still unclear if the Malaysian
government will allow the Commission the power and respect
provided by the 1999 Human Rights Commission of Malaysia Act.
This
unwillingness has, on several occasions, hampered Suhakam's
ability to carry out necessary investigations and has resulted
in little, if any, reactions to Suhakam's recommendations for
legislative reform. There
are also areas of the Act that need revision if full
conformity with the Paris Principles is to be achieved.
Specifically, those sections relating to Suhakam's
independence, extra-judicial powers, transparency and
accountability need to be strengthened. Suhakam has progressed
in the establishment of institutional structure and
procedures, however there are still many aspects that need to
be strengthened before it will be able to advocate effectively
for human rights in Malaysia.
The
Nepal NHRC: Long road to nirvana
The
National Human Rights Commission of Nepal was constituted on
26 May 2000 after nearly a four-year-long delay.
The recent appointment of two well-respected human
rights activists to the Commission, as well as the
Commission's demonstrated willingness to confront the
government, are signs that the Commission is taking its role
seriously. However, the Nepal government's unwillingness to
grant the NHRC the independence that the Paris Principles deem
imperative has raised serious questions about the body's
efficacy and credibility.
Most
problematic is a lack of adequate resources for the
Commission, which currently operates on an allocation that is
one-fourth of the amount its internal budget estimates demand.
Appointment procedures have suffered from a lack of
transparency, and its mandate should be amended to broaden the
field of qualified candidates and require transparency and
public input in the commissioner selection process. The
Commission also suffers from constraints on investigative
jurisdiction and its extra-judicial powers.
Thus although the government has been trumpeting the
Commission's formation as an example of its commitment to
human rights, there are many reasons to suspect that the
Commission lacks the strength to improve human rights in
Nepal.
NZ
Commission: Room for improvement
The
New Zealand Human Rights Commission was established by the
Human Rights Commission Act of 1977 and subsequently redefined
by the Human Rights Act of 1993 and the Human Rights Amendment
Act of 1999. An
excellent effort has been made to give the New Zealand Human
Rights Commission adequate powers in fulfilling the
educational and promotional role described in its mandate.
However, it would benefit from increased independence,
specifically in the form of additional provisions to assure
political non-partisanship in the process of selecting
Commissioners and processing complaints in coordination with
the Human Rights Review Tribunal.
The
Philippine Commission
The
Philippines Commission on Human Rights looks spectacular on
paper: it is supported by the Constitution, legislation that
is detailed and varied, and has numerous publications.
However, its execution is lacking in many respects.
In particular, NGOs have little faith in the
organisation's supposed independence from the government, and
there are examples, such as the Child Rights Center and the
Barangay Human Rights Action Center, of projects that need
assistance in execution despite their conceptual integrity.
Yet
there are also hopeful signs for the future.
The current chairperson, Professor Purificacion
Valera-Quisumbing, has extensive human rights experience and
Commission employees are found to be hardworking and diligent.
Thus the foundation for success is in place but proper
execution and leadership is needed.
Sri
Lankan Commission: Unproductive past
The
Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka, chartered in 1996,
largely failed to meet the expectations generated during its
initial three-year mandate. The operations of the Commission
were ineffectual because internal division and administrative
lethargy hampered them. This
period of institutional weakness extended into the beginning
period of the next commission. Although many practical
problems remain, the Sri Lankan Commission has shown
noticeable improvement in its strategic vision since the
September 2001 meeting of the Asia Pacific Forum of National
Human Rights Institutions.
|
National
Human Rights Institutions in the Asia Pacific
Region
Report
of the Alternate NGO Consultation on the Seventh Asia
Pacific Regional Workshop on NHRIs
November
2002
Asia
Pacific Human Rights Network |
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