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After
the deluge, the damp squib
The
World Conference Against Racism (WCAR) began, proceeded, and
ended on a sour note. The conference's final ceremony was
nothing like recent international meetings - such as the Rome
Conference on the International Criminal Court - in which
participants shared a feeling of jubilation, a palpable sense
that humanity had been advanced by the conference's
conclusion.
Instead,
the WCAR became a vehicle for the baser side of human emotions
and state politics. When the conference "ended,"
many NGOs had already returned home and the text itself would
not be finalised until further closed-door meetings in Geneva
and State capitals.
A
sense of the disappointment and acrimony is reflected in
closing statements by governments, which are annexed to the
conference's Final Report (A/CONF.189/12). In the end, the
fact that the conference had hobbled to a conclusion, rather
than completely collapsed, was one of its few accomplishments.
The
WCAR's final document reflects the fact that governments and
NGOs became sidetracked by inflammatory text on the Middle
East and the downward spiral of the reparations dispute.
Engrossed in these other matters, delegates were left with
insufficient time to consider other pressing issues of racial
discrimination.
As
a result, the document contains numerous instances of overly
redundant text, empty rhetoric, and proclamations that either
stymie or regress the development of international standards
on racial discrimination.
The
219-paragraph-long Durban Declaration and Programme of Action
(DDPA) recognises many of the sources of historic and
contemporary racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and
other related intolerance. The text identifies disadvantaged
groups and provides States with suggestions for possible
reforms. The document, however, most often fails to either
reflect or promote international standards obligating States
to implement reform. The text also fails to emphasise the need
for international cooperation and oversight in eradicating
racism and discrimination.
The
DDPA is full of opt-out clauses such as "where
appropriate", "as appropriate", "where
necessary". While the DDPA struck a fine balance on the
issue of reparation and slavery and addressed the Roma issue,
it snubbed millions of victims of racial discrimination by
failing to refer to "caste", "sexual
orientation", "apology", "World Conference
on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples" and "abuses of
national and multinational companies".
Indeed,
one of the most shameful results of the WCAR is the document's
not addressing - indeed, not even mentioning - caste-based
discrimination. This particular debacle, however, cannot be
blamed on governments alone.
Human Rights Features has elsewhere discussed a range
of problems in NGOs' "lobbying" tactics on the caste
issue. The Government of India and a section of the Dalit NGOs
and their support organisations worldwide contributed to the
hype that made reference to caste or the avoidance of it, in
the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action an issue of
victory or defeat. This despite, as the South Asia Human
Rights Documentation Centre (SAHRDC) stated,
"irrespective of whether the issue of Caste were
mentioned in the final Declaration of the Durban WCAR or not,
the CERD Committee and other Special Procedure systems of the
Commission on Human Rights on combating Racism, Racial
Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance will
continue to consider discrimination based on 'descent'
including caste."
The
Government of India sought to state that the caste issue was
being turned into a 'country-specific' issue. The Dalit groups
and their support organisations participating in the WCAR NGO
Forum assisted the Government of India by making what should
have been a "caste caucus" into a "Dalit
Caucus". In the process, these NGOs subsumed the
identities of the Burakus of Japan, the Groits of Senegal and
the Osu and Oru people of Nigeria who also face caste-based
discrimination. The Asian NGO Forum, which failed to adopt any
Regional Declaration at the Tehran Regional Preparatory
Conference, further encouraged such a sentiment, due to lack
of leadership, competence, professionalism and sheer lack of
understanding of issues relating to racism, racial
discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance and the UN
processes, among others.
The
58th Session of the CHR
The
CHR's resolution 2002/68 on racism, racial discrimination,
xenophobia and related intolerance was disappointing on a
number of levels. The resolution established an
intergovernmental working group, a Working Group of Experts on
People of African Descent appointed by the Chairperson of the
CHR, and a voluntary fund. It also recommended the appointment
of five independent experts by the Secretary-General to follow
the implementation of the provisions of the DDPA and extended
the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of
racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related
intolerance.
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But
the exclusion of NGOs that characterised Durban
continues. The CHR resolution says little about the
composition of the intergovernmental working group - the
key mechanism for implementation of the DDPA. While the
resolution calls upon NGOs, relevant human rights treaty
bodies, special procedures and other mechanisms of the
Commissions, national institutions, international,
financial and development institutions, and specialised
agencies, programmes and funds of the United Nations to
collaborate with the Working Group of Experts on People
of African Descent, the resolution excluded NGOs from
participation in the intergovernmental working group.
Instead, five independent eminent experts appointed by
the Secretary mandated to assist the intergovernmental
working group will serve as intermediaries and receive
reports from NGOs, among others. NGOs can no longer
directly interact with the intergovernmental working
group. |
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Not there when it
matters
The
58th session of the CHR that took crucial
decisions on the implementation of the Durban
Declaration and Programme of Action (DDPA) showed
how many NGOs, always keen to hop on to the
bandwagon of conferences, operate. Most of the
groups that had maintained a constant, shrill
presence at the Kingsmead cricket stadium in
Durban were absent in Geneva. Most NGOs left after
making their oral interventions, much before the
informal Open Ended Working Group started its
debate on the draft CHR resolution 2002/68. |
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In
the informal open-ended meetings during the CHR prior to the
presentation of the resolution, the Pakistani delegation
insisted that no NGOs be allowed to participate in the
intergovernmental working group or be nominated for the expert
bodies. The lack of commitment to combat racism and racial
discrimination is also indicated by the indifference shown by
States to the Voluntary Fund for the Third Decade to Combat
Racism and Racial Discrimination. A second fund, aimed at
providing additional resources for the implementation of the
DDPA therefore raises few expectations.
The
extension of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Racism,
Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance is
welcome. However, the CHR took the unusual step of appointing
the Special Rapporteur through a resolution appointing Mr.
Doudou Diène to replace Mr. Maurice Glèlè-Ahanhanzo as
Special Rapporteur. The normal practice involved the
Chairperson of the CHR, who, in consultation with the Bureau,
appointed the mandate holders of the Special Procedures. Since
the 56th session, the Chairperson of the CHR appoints, in
consultation with the members of extended bureau, Regional
Coordinators pursuant to the CHR resolution 2000/109.
If
the trend continues, even the mandate holders of the Special
Procedures will be subject to approval by the CHR. In order to
advance human rights, mandate holders sometimes need to tell
the Commission what it does not want to hear. Hence the normal
practice of providing them a level of independence but
restricted authority. With the new practice, the days of the
independent mandate holders of Special Procedures may well be
over.
CERD
Committee's General Comment
During
its 61st session, the United Nations Committee on the
Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) held a special
debate on the issue of descent-based discrimination from 8-9
August 2002. The CERD Committee's special debate reaffirmed
SAHRDC's observation. A cursory reading of the CERD
Committee's General Comment shows that it contains a lucid
elaboration of the Concluding Observations of the Committee
with regard to India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Japan and
Nigeria.
"The
consistent view of the Committee that the term descent in
Article 1, paragraph 1 of the Convention does not solely refer
to race" had earlier been reaffirmed by the Committee in
the Concluding Observations on India of 1996 (CERD/C/304/Add.13
(Concluding Observations - periodic report of India, para.
14). SAHRDC had submitted an Alternate Report in August 1996
clearly establishing that caste discrimination fell within the
mandate of the CERD Committee.
Nonetheless,
the assertion of the CERD Committee that caste discrimination
is one of the many forms, and not the only form, of
descent-based discrimination is significant.
In
its General Recommendation on descent-based discrimination,
the CERD Committee recommends that States parties, among other
things, take steps to identify descent-based communities under
their jurisdiction which suffered from discrimination due to
various factors such as: inability or restricted ability to
alter inherited status; socially enforced restrictions on
marriage outside the community; private and public segregation
including in housing and education, access to public spaces
and places of worship and public sources of food and water;
limitation of freedom to renounce inherited occupations or
degrading or hazardous work; subjection to debt bondage;
subjection to dehumanizing discourses of pollution or
untouchablity; and generalized lack of respect for human
dignity and equality.
Although,
the CERD Committee's reiteration of its consistent view on
descent-based discrimination has helped resolve the wasteful
controversy over "caste discrimination" in Durban, a
cursory reading reflects that the General Comment fails to
address a few fundamental issues. For example, on the
administration of justice, the CERD Committee failed to make
any recommendations to the judiciary for the removal of biases
against members of descent-based communities. Caste biases
especially at the lower levels of the judiciary in India,
Nepal and Japan are a serious constraint in the administration
of justice and implementation of specific laws dealing with
caste discrimination. Unless laws prohibiting such
discrimination are enforced, discrimination against
descent-based communities will persist.
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