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It’s
about politics, not brotherhood
It’s
when Nicaragua points a finger at Cuba, and when the OIC forgets it
has brothers outside the Middle East
THE
Commission on Human Rights (CHR) in its resolution 2002/18 requested
"the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to send
a personal representative with a view to bringing about cooperation
between her Office and the Government of Cuba for the implementation
of the present resolution." About a decade ago, such a
resolution would have created ripples. Not any more.
Sponsored
by the proxies of the United States at the CHR, such as Uruguay,
Nicaragua , Guatemala and others, the resolution containing four
preambular paragraphs and five operative paragraphs sought to strike
a balance between Cuba's efforts to provide economic and social
rights and the need to make "similar progress" in respect
of civil and political rights. It urged Cuba to accede to the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (IESCR).
If,
as the sponsors evidently believe, it takes a representative of the
High Commissioner to ensure that Cuba matches its efforts in the
area of social and economic rights with progress on civil and
political rights, then what will it take to set the balance right in
regimes such as Saudi Arabia - a major ally of the United States -
or, for that matter, the rights situation in some of the sponsors’
own countries?
The
politics of human rights monitoring is blatant. Cuba apparently
deserves a monitor but Saudi Arabia doesn't.
The
resolution on Cuba appeared to be nothing but a ploy to ridicule the
CHR resolution on Palestine adopted in a Special Sitting on
Palestine on 5 April 2002. The resolution authorised High
Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson to "head a visiting
mission that would travel immediately" to the Occupied
Palestinian Territory, and "return expeditiously to submit its
findings and recommendations to the current session of the
Commission on Human Rights."
The
Israeli delegation, however chose to emulate the petulant obduracy
often demonstrated by the Cuban delegation - it said it would not
cooperate with the personal representative of the High Commissioner
in that regard.
There
was palpable frustration in governmental and non-governmental
circles on account of the shadow cast on the CHR by the
Israel-Palestine situation. The attention focused on this issue was
at the expense of discussions on a host of other human rights
situations. With the United States out of the Commission for the
first time since 1948, politicisation at the CHR was at its peak.
The Western bloc was as much responsible as the Like Minded Group of
countries at the 58th session.
One
of the victims of the politicking at the CHR was the Special
Rapporteur on the right to adequate housing, Mr Miloon Kothari. At
the end of the 58th session, the CHR failed to take any decision
relating to the unpublished report of the Special Rapporteur on the
right to adequate housing pursuant to resolution S-5/1 of the
Special Session of the CHR on Palestine held on 19 October 2000. The
resolution had called on thematic Special Rapporteurs "to carry
out immediate missions to the Occupied Territories and to report the
findings to the Commission at its fifty seventh session, and on an
interim basis, to the General Assembly at its fifty-fifth
session."
Although
some thematic rapporteurs visited Occupied Territories in their
private capacities, as they did not require prior visas, Mr. Kothari
was not able to fulfill his mandate immediately due to the denial of
a visa. He is an Indian citizen and requires a visa to visit Israel.
On
6 December 2000, the Special Rapporteur requested an invitation from
the Israeli government. The Israeli government responded that it
would "not cooperate in the implementation of the operative
part of this resolution." Consequently, the Special Rapporteur
could neither undertake the visit nor report to the 57th session of
the Commission on Human Rights.
Mr.
Kothari authored his report after a visit - made in another capacity
- to Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories in January
2002.
Some
in the Western bloc, at the behest of the United States and Israel,
used this procedural issue to block the presentation of the report -
submitted to the 58th session instead of the 57th session on account
of Israel's lack of cooperation. The Western bloc reportedly sought
a legal opinion from New York as to whether a report that was
scheduled to be presented at the 57th session could be presented at
the 58th session. The legal opinion never arrived.
As
none of the members of the CHR, including the members of the Arab
League, raised the issue of the report’s release, it died an
unfortunate, natural death.
Setting
another precedent, on 5 April 2002, the CHR held a Special Sitting
on Palestine. While the United States took a backseat at the Special
Sitting, it was quite clearly the puppeteer for its northern
neighbour. Canada invoked the rules of procedures to ensure that the
Special Sitting went beyond 6 pm so that the proceedings could not
continue without translation, thus preventing a resolution from
being adopted.
In
a last-ditch attempt to block action by the CHR, Canada - otherwise
silent during the Asian group's attack on NGO participation - became
the champion of NGO rights during the plenary. In view of the time
constraints, the Pakistani Ambassador requested the suspension of
NGO interventions, or, at least the postponement of such
interventions, until after the adoption of a resolution.
As
Canada insisted on NGO participation, a vote was sought. The
Canadian demand was rejected. Canada also raised an objection under
rule 52 of the Rules of Procedure, requiring the circulation of
draft resolutions 24 hours in advance unless otherwise decided by
the Commission. This too was rejected by a roll call vote. Finally,
the resolution on the situation of human rights in the Occupied
Palestine Territory (E/CN.4/2002/L.13) was adopted with 44 in
favour, two against and seven abstaining.
Finally,
throughout the CHR session, the delegation of Pakistan, on behalf of
the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC), emphasised two
points: that Islam is a religion of peace, and that the OIC stands
solidly behind its Muslim “brothers.” The OIC readily and
consistently championed the cause of its Muslim brethren in the
Occupied Palestinian Territories.
But
the 'brotherhood' club is evidently not open to all. Not one Islamic
country voted to protect the rights of the Chechens as proposed in
Draft Resolution L.29 on the 'Situation of human rights in the
Republic of Chechnya of the Russian Federation.'
The
draft resolution was a balanced text. It deplored the lack of
cooperation of the Russian Federation with the mechanisms of the CHR,
while affirming the right of Russia to defend its territorial
integrity and welcoming positive developments in the region. The
text also highlighted the Russian military's continued use of
torture, summary executions, arbitrary detention and forced
disappearances against the Chechens.
The
resolution was nevertheless defeated with 15 in favour, 16 against
and 22 abstentions. The majority of OIC member delegations
abstained, while Indonesia, Nigeria and Syria voted against the
resolution.
The
Commission on Human Rights plumbed new depths of hypocrisy at its
58th session. The politicking did not allow enough space for a
concerted attempt at standard-setting and monitoring. And certainly
not enough to accommodate a pan-Islamic brotherhood.
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