| Volume 6, Issue
6 |
22-25 April 2003 |
CHINA: Freedom of
Expression
‘Stainless
Steel Mouse & Golden Shield’
‘IT
was the best of times, it was the worst of times."
The words were used to describe the French Revolution,
but they could equally be applied to the Internet
revolution in China. On the one hand, the Internet is
seen as a panacea for freedom of expression and freedom
of information. The only drawback being the economic
one; that is, "the right to freedom of expression
should become a reality for everyone, not just the
privileged few who can afford their own telephone line,
modem and PC". (Peter Noorlander, Article 19)
But,
on the other hand, simply providing access to the
Internet is only part of the story. As the case of China
shows, there is nothing inherently democratic about the
Internet, its introduction does not necessarily mean
greater freedom and democracy, but in a one-party state
can mean "more subtle and sophisticated forms of
repression".
China's
'Golden Shield'
China
was first linked to the global Internet in 1994. Since
then the Chinese authorities have sought to control
China's Internet connections. The most comprehensive
work to date on the technology used by the Chinese
authorities is China's Golden Shield: Corporations and
the Development of Surveillance Technology in the
People's Republic of China by Greg Walton, published by
the International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic
Development (2001).
Walton's
conclusion is that while the Internet "has
increased opportunities for human rights and democracy
activists to build international support for their
struggles" it has also "brought new challenges
for human rights advocates, particularly those living
under repressive regimes" and is " threatened
by economic priorities".
In
the early days of the Chinese Internet, the government
used fairly "crude" methods to
"block" access to certain websites. China
adopted the "Great Firewall" strategy, the
concept of foreign 'internet' gateways linking to a
secure national 'intranet'. Web users seeking
"forbidden" websites would not be able to
reach those sites at all, as the IP address for the
website would be blocked. The principle adopted by the
Chinese government was "guarded openness",
seeking to preserve the economic benefits of openness to
global information, while guarding against unwanted
foreign influence. However, due to the increased volume
of Internet traffic in China the government can no
longer filter out all "objectionable" material
before it enters China's networks.
The
government has tried other techniques. For example, in
August 2002 they temporarily blocked access to the
popular Internet search engine 'Google'. The outcry over
this incident caused the government to back down.
Fortunately, for the Chinese government, as technology
has improved so has access to better censorship and
surveillance methods.
Users
may now have the impression that they have access to
certain sites but certain functions on those websites
are blocked. In addition experts and users have reported
selective blocking of e-mail that mentions certain
words, e.g. "Falun Gong", restricted or
difficult access to foreign sites and continued
interruption of search engines on particular topics.
This
is all possible through "software filters"
used at the level of Internet Service Providers (ISPs)
and cyber-cafes. One particular method is to re-direct
those visiting banned websites to a single IP address
which is already blocked by the government at the
international gateway level.
Experts
say this is done by falsifying the records in Domain
Name Servers (DNS), so that when a user types in a web
address the DNS will route the request to a
pre-determined site and not the intended address.
But
this kind of complex technology has not appeared
overnight. In November 2000, 300 companies from over 16
countries attended a trade show in Beijing called
Security China 2000.
The
focus of the show was the "Golden Shield"
project, launched to promote "the adoption of
advanced information and communication technology to
strengthen central police control, responsiveness, and
crime combating capacity, so as to improve the
efficiency and effectiveness of police work." (see
box)
The
latest initiative by the Chinese authorities is to
attempt to make Internet companies police themselves. In
August 2002, a 'Public Pledge on Self-Discipline' was
introduced. Signatories agree not to post
"pernicious" information that may
"jeopardize state security, disrupt social
stability, contravene laws and spread superstition and
obscenity".
Amnesty
International (AI) reports that over 300 companies have
signed up, including the Chinese operations of 'Yahoo!'.
Internet-related
convictions
There
have been an increasing number of Internet-related
convictions in China. Typical offences include posting
or downloading pro-democratic information or articles
that are critical of the Chinese government or articles
that allege human rights violations in China -
activities which fall broadly under the term
"virtual organising".
In
November 2002 AI reported the cases of 33 people who had
been detained or imprisoned for offences in relation to
the exercise of freedom of religion, expression and
association in the use of the Internet. AI reported that
two detained for such offences, both members of the
banned Falun Gong spiritual movement, have died in
custody, allegedly as a result of torture and
ill-treatment by the police.
The
Hong Kong-based organisation, Human Rights in China,
reports that political dissident Tao Haidong was
recently sentenced to seven years in prison for articles
he posted on the Internet. The most celebrated case to
date is perhaps that of Liu Di - otherwise known by her
Internet name "Stainless Steel Mouse" - a
22-year-old student at Beijing Normal University, who
was detained in November 2002 after she posted
politically sensitive articles on the Internet.
This
picture is reinforced by the cases in the Addendum to
the Special Rapporteur's (SR) report to the 59th
Session. The SR refers to five communications received
with regard to human rights violations in relation to
the use of the Internet in China.
One
of these cases concerns an urgent appeal sent on 8
October 2002 by the SR, jointly with the Chairman-Rapporteur
of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, concerning
Chen Shaowen, an Internet essayist from Lianyuan in
Hunan Province, who was allegedly arrested on 6 August
2002 on suspicion of "using the Internet to subvert
state power". He is said to have written numerous
essays and articles for various overseas
Chinese-language web sites on topics including China's
unemployment problem, social inequalities, and flaws
within the legal system.
The
SR also reports that in a letter dated 24 May 2002, the
Government of China replied to a communication from the
SR dated 1 November 2001 concerning Zhu Ruixiang and Lü
Xinhua. The Government alleges that in the case of Zhu
Ruixiang he had on many occasions, since October 2000,
made use of the Internet to produce and disseminate
materials designed to subvert the State's political
authority, and that his acts constituted the crime of
inciting subversion of State political authority.
He
was sentenced to three years' fixed term imprisonment
and stripped of his political rights for two years
The
pattern of these cases shows that whilst the technology
may be new, the underlying charges of
"subversion" or "threatening to overthrow
the government" have not changed and continue to be
used to suppress freedom of expression. (see
Half a life: Story
of a political prisoner).
The
grim irony appears to be that as human rights activists
and political opponents have begun to use the Internet
to promote their causes, the Chinese government has
adopted technology to make it potentially easier to
silence their opponents.
Freedom
of expression and association
Article
19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights (ICCPR) states: "[E]veryone has the right to
freedom of expression: this right shall include freedom
to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all
kinds, regardless of frontiers either orally, in writing
or in print, in the form of art, or through any other
media of his choice."
There
is no doubt that these words apply to the use of the
Internet. The Internet's primary functions are to allow
the user to "seek, receive and impart
information", and while Article 19 was drafted
before the use of the Internet it is expressly
applicable to "any other media".
At
the 58th Session of the CHR members (including China)
adopted resolution 2002/48 on the right to freedom of
opinion and expression by consensus. At operative
paragraph 12, the CHR "[s]tresses the importance of
the diversity of sources of information, including mass
media, at all levels, and the importance of the free
flow of information, as a way to promote full enjoyment
of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and
encourages the facilitation of access to the
Internet."
In
spite of its obligations under international human
rights law, in China there is no "free flow"
of information. The Chinese authorities have adopted
restrictive laws, arrests, detentions, censorship, bans,
surveillance of and restrictions on the use of the
Internet.
The
diversity of sources is deliberately limited and the
right to freedom of opinion and expression, in
particular for journalists, members of political
opposition groups and parties and human rights defenders
is severely limited.
During
the 1990's the members of the Western Group shifted
their focus on Chinese human rights violations from a
relatively open multilateral focus on the UN bodies,
such as the CHR, to a less transparent bilateral
dialogue. A China resolution at the CHR has not been
seen since.
This
shift in policy was sold on the basis of a 'win-win'
philosophy. The Western members could deepen diplomatic
and economic relations with China after Tiananmen Square
(1989), and at the same time explore a meaningful human
rights dialogue without the pressures of public scrutiny
on China.
This
has regrettably not proved to be the case. According to
the International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic
Development, "[t]he bilateral human rights dialogue
has not achieved its objectives, the situation of human
rights in China has deteriorated". On 31 March
2003, Human Rights in China stated, "[a]ll
available information suggests that the Chinese
government is as repressive as ever toward political
dissidents".
In
the context of the restriction on the use of the
Internet in China, it is worth noting the words of the
SR: "The Special Rapporteur considers that the
exercise of the right to freedom of opinion and
expression is a clear indicator of the level of
protection and respect of all other human rights in a
given society." The regulation of the Internet
worldwide will be explored at the first phase of the
World Summit on the Information Society in Geneva from
10 to 12 December this year. The World Summit website
says that: "The Summit offers a unique opportunity
for the global community to reflect, discuss and give
shape to our common destiny in an era when countries and
peoples are interconnected as never before." The
Asia-Pacific Regional Conference was held in Tokyo from
13 to 15 January 2003 as a preparatory meeting to the
World Summit. The Tokyo Declaration was the end product.
In the ten-page document there is only one cursory
reference to the protection of freedom of expression.
This is not a good start.
Can the mouse be mightier than the Golden Shield?
Cyber-speak
has created many new words, but perhaps no metaphors
more appropriate than the 'Stainless Steel Mouse' and
the 'Golden Shield' to describe the new challenges faced
by human rights defenders and political dissenters in
China, against the increasingly pervasive surveillance
of Internet use by the state authorities.
The
CHR is the appropriate international forum to scrutinise
the violation of the right to freedom of expression by
the Chinese authorities. There is, however, no China
resolution on the table at the 59th Session, as the
majority of the Western Group members continue to pursue
a bilateral dialogue on human rights in China.
If
Western Group members are committed to this dialogue,
then a good start would be to hold to account those
companies in their own jurisdictions who are providing
the necessary expertise and technology to China, which
is knowingly being used in this latest chapter of the
suppression of freedom of expression and freedom of
association in China.
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